This page lists every recorded use of the words injurious and injuriously in parliamentary debate during 1803. Each instance is reproduced in its context as recorded in Hansard.
This survey forms part of the evidence for the correct legal interpretation of injurious weeds in the Weeds Act 1959. See also why “harmful weeds” misrepresents the law.
| Speaker | Context |
|---|---|
| Lord Castle reagh, | This circumstance rendered the property in India bonds, less desirable than other property capable of producing a higher rate of interest, and was of course injurious to the company; besides, it was material that in time of war the bonds of the company should not be ousted from the market. |
| Mr. William Elliot | I perceive, by the gestures of the gentleman opposite to me, that they mean to accuse me of a course of argument injurious to the public welfare but they will do well to recollect, that 100 the mischief will be in their conduct; and not in my statement, and I have felt it my peculiar duty to seize this opportunity of expressing my sense of the danger of their system, because we are still in time to anticipate it. |
| Mr. Windham | He would not have so shocked the ears of a right hon. gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Yorke) or have so isolated his own convictions, as to have advanced an opinion, pregnant with such injurious reflexions, to the noble lord at the head of the Irish government. |
| The Chancellsr of the Exchequer. | There is in fact no detailed information upon this point, which it would not be injurious to publish: therefore, there is nothing which, consistently with prudence, the hon. gentlemen could obtain from the report of a committee, which they have not already; namely, a. |
| Lord Hawkesbury | contended, that such a consideration was a reason against the adoption of the clause, inasmuch as the omission of the provision in the former bills, was productive of no injurious tendency whatever, nor of any ground of complaint. |
| Mr. Windham | His own general opinion on this head, he could not better describe, than in some lines which gentlemen might have seen on Inn windows and shutters, where the writer, speaking of the faults of men and women, and allowing that many faults belong to men, concludes, most injuriously and ungallantly, Poor women have but two; There's nothing good they say, and nothing right they do. |
| Mr. Windham | He grounded this opinion upon circumstances, certainly having nothing injurious in them to the characters of persons acting in volunteer corps. |
| Mr. Windham | To fortify those above it was useless: to add to the strength of those below it might be injurious, as well as useless; because, without adding to the general strength, you might add something to the weight. |
| Mr. Windbam | He must object to the volunteer system; first, as being very ill-adapted to the principal and more immediate purpose, for which it was wanted; as increasing most materially the difficulties of recruiting the army; as being liable to have a most injurious influence on the character and conduct of the army; as in fringing the just claims, and violating the reasonable feelings, of military men, by confounding those distinctions which they had hitherto enjoyed exclusively, and effecting a general depreciation of military titles and honours; as confounding the ranks and gradations in civil life, while it disturbed and deranged the ordinary functions of society; and lastly, as liable to become a source of great future political danger, such as might be apprehended always, from great bodies of armed men subject to no military control, and whose constitution at this moment was, in innumerable instances, precisely that, which would be most likely to give birth to such danger, and to render it formidable, were it to take place. |
| The Attorney General | You must run too against a bayonet, but that is all we can do; we have no skill to meet the enemy, we can only be destroyed." Why, if that was to be the language of the right hon. gent., it would not be wonderful if the corps were to say, "We do not like tills gentleman;" for if a man became an officer of such a corps, he ought not to endeavour to make them think meanly of themselves, but to inspire them with spirit and with confidence, and that he could only do by she wing them that they were equal to what they had undertaken, and therefore this doctrine of the right hon. gent, was as injurious to the corps to which he was attached as it was to the general system of the volunteer service. |
| Mr. Windham | Its injurious effect on all the other species of force he must still' maintain, notwithstanding the specious statements made on the other side. |
| Mr. Hiley Addington. | But I will tell that right hon. gent, that every corner of the kingdom echoes its reprobation of the language which he has held since the meeting of Parliament, People cannot comprehend, posterity will scarcely believe, that in a moment of danger so unparalleled, one individual could be found, who would gravely assert, that 400,000 Britons in arms were not I only doing no good, but were even injurious to the interests and defence of the country.; Is the right hon. gent, so grossly ignorant of ancient and modern history, as not to know; what glorious exploits have been performed by the patriotic and voluntary energy of men like our volunteers? |
| Colonel Craufurd | With respect to the volunteers themselves, what had been said by his right hon. friend (Mr. Windham) on the subject, had been so much misconceived in the House, and so much misrepresented out of it, that he felt disposed, as he was on his legs, to set gentlemen right on that head, He had attended to his right hon. friend as much as any hon. member, and he had never heard him say any thing that could warrant an inference, that 400 000 Britons in arms, so far from being of service, would be injurious to the cause in which they were engaged. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | They felt that it was a principle never to be lost sight of, that our security materially depended on the diversified construction of our national army, and that in a country situated as ours it would be impossible to array in a regular army, any very considerable portion of our population; because it would be inconsistent with their industry and their habits, and injurious to the vital interests of the nation. |
| Mr. Secretary Yorke | The hon. member had argued as if the right of permanently electing their officers was the general idea of all the volunteer corps; whereas, from the best information be could collect on the subject, no such idea was generally entertained But if it was possible, that any such notion had; generally gone forth, or even that such a principle did really exist, was it to be argued, that if such a principle was found to be inexpedient and injurious to the objects of public service, that Parliament was to have no privilege of revising the volunteer system, and making such amendments as obvious necessity should point out, without incurring the charge of breaking faith with the volunteers? |
| Mr. Secretary Yorke | Nay, the volunteer system so far from being injurious, was advantageous to the recruiting service in general, in proof of this, he instanced two corps, the Norwich, and the St. George's volunteers, from both of which the military habits acquired by die men had 540 induced them to inlist in the regulars, in a far greater proportion than the same number of men otherwise would have done, during both the last and present war. |
| Mr. Windham, | It might well be doubted, whether even the sort of mixed training taught to the French army, though forced upon them by various considerations not generally applicable, and in traduced in a form very different from that in which it was applied to our volunteers, would be found generally advantageous, But, in another instance, which had been alluded to, and which more nearly resembled what we had to consider, viz. the light troops of the Austrian army, it was universally agreed, as he understood, by the Austrian officers speaking not only with great professional knowledge, but with actual experience of the thing, that the practice which had been introduced of giving to their light troops a degree of regular training had been injurious to them as light troops, and rendered them in fact considerably less valuable, in that respect, than they had formerly-been.—But, whatever might be thought on this point, that is to say, whether any considerable portion of regular training might not prove even injurious to troops meant in the main to act as irregulars, this was certain, that to trust to irregulars as regulars must be pregnant with the most fatal dangers. |
| Mr. Windham, | It might well be doubted, whether even the sort of mixed training taught to the French army, though forced upon them by various considerations not generally applicable, and in traduced in a form very different from that in which it was applied to our volunteers, would be found generally advantageous, But, in another instance, which had been alluded to, and which more nearly resembled what we had to consider, viz. the light troops of the Austrian army, it was universally agreed, as he understood, by the Austrian officers speaking not only with great professional knowledge, but with actual experience of the thing, that the practice which had been introduced of giving to their light troops a degree of regular training had been injurious to them as light troops, and rendered them in fact considerably less valuable, in that respect, than they had formerly-been.—But, whatever might be thought on this point, that is to say, whether any considerable portion of regular training might not prove even injurious to troops meant in the main to act as irregulars, this was certain, that to trust to irregulars as regulars must be pregnant with the most fatal dangers. |
| Lord Hawkesbury | Such being his opinion, he conceived the motion either useless or injurious, and therefore should be under the necessity of opposing it. |
| Lord Grenville | His lordship's arguments on the occasion seemed to be, "I will not let the House have documents en a point immediately before them, be cause these documents may have some bearing on an inquiry of which I disapprove, and which may hereafter be moved 644 for." With respect to the alarm throughout the country, referred to by the noble lord, his lordship said he wished to put it fairly and directly to the hearts of their lordships, whether any thing would create so injurious an alarm, as the notion that our danger was so great, that the House of Lords was fearful of looking it full in the face. |
| Lord Grenville | Their lordships would easy conceive, by carrying their eyes forward to the rapid and destructive progress such things make.—His lordship proceeded to point out the injurious effects which the restriction originally imposed on the Bank of England had produced in Ireland, by occasioning a similar restriction on the bank there. |
| Lord Hawkesbury | An investigation into the affairs of the Bank of Ireland would, in the present circumstances of the country, produce an injurious rather than a beneficial effect. |
| Lord Hawkesbury | In 1709, another unfavourable season occurred, which produced effects still more injurious than the former, and this was again succeeded by a similar bad harvest in 1800. |
| The Lord Chancellor | It was practive highly mischievous and injurious to the independence of Parliament itself; because it begot a habit of inattention and negligence on the part of Members of Parliament, to subjects on which they were bound to exercise a degree of parliamentary jealousy; because, conceiving they might have an opportunity of opposing a particular measure every time of its renewal, they neglected to oppose it at all. |
| Lord Hawkesbury | With respect to a general investigation of the subject, the inclination of his opinion was, that under the present circumstances of the country, such a proceeding would be, upon the whole, rather injurious than beneficial. |
| Lord King | again rose, and made some general observations upon the injurious effects of excessive issue of paper in Ireland, as well in reference to the course of exchange, as the depreciation of the currency. |
| Lord King | more than what it was in the year 1802 He entered into calculations respecting the injurious effect the increased issue had on the state of the exchange, and concluded by moving a clause to the above effect. |
| Mr. Pitt | suggested that it would be better to give an option in case of non-payment, either to levy the fine by distress, or to inflict imprisonment for two or three days or a week, as the distress might be injurious to the family of the person distressed upon. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | thought the imprisonment of the individual would be more injurious to his family than levying the fine by distress. |
| Mr. Somers Cocks | In addition to this objection he had to state, that the line of country through which the canal was proposed to pass would prove infinitely injurious to the landed proprietors, who, he believed, gave little or no support to this bill. |
| Mr. Wilberforce | Was the House so intirely destitute of means of making inquiry that they must let matters go on as they may, though they thought them injurious to the country, for fear of giving information to the enemy? |
| Mr. Sheridan. | this night, be rather injurious on the score of expense, and the number of men they would necessarily require, than likely to be serviceable.—An hon. admiral on the lower bench (Admiral Berkeley) has, in the course of a very extraordinary speech, stated, that he had delivered in a plan to the Admiralty, which, if acted upon, must effectually secure our own coast, and completely destroy the flotilla of the enemy. |
| Captain Markbam | He would rather have gentlemen be inclined to concealment than to divulge any circumstances which might prove injurious to the country. |
| Mr. Pitt | To refuse them would create those doubts which 923 must always be injurious to a public character, however pure it might be considered by his friends. |
| Mr. Windham | The bill, there-lore, was not necessary to the existence of a volunteer force; its object both was and professed to be, to improve a force of that description which already subsisted, and which would continue to subsist though no such bill should be brought in: and the objection on the part of himself and others who thought with him on this occasion, was, that the improvement to be obtained was in many of its parts doubtful, that it was not applicable to much of that for which it professed to be intended, and that it was at all events not worth the price that must be paid for it: for that independent of other considerations, though the bill might in the end do something for bettering the volunteers, it would in the mean while operate most injuriously on every other species of force, and finally deprive us of that species which was confessedly the most valuable, lie meant a regular army. |
| Mr. Windham | This was the view to be taken of the question, and these the several points of comparison, by the result of which the question must be determined.—To assist the judgment of the House in forming that comparison, it would be right to consider some of the general reasonings on which all the measures adopted for some time past seemed to have been founded.—These would for the most part, be reducible to the three or four following propositions: 1st, that the prospect of an immediate attack from the enemy, though not absolutely certain, was so nearly so, that persons must act precisely as if its certainty was assured to them, 2dly, that this danger, thus certain and immediate, was of a nature so disproportionate to every other, that nothing could be allowed to come in competition with it, or could be regarded for the time otherwise than as it could be made consistent with that great 974 and over-ruling object, 3dly, That the improvement of the volunteers was, in the actual state of things, the means most effectual that could be taken for guarding against this danger, and, consequently, must be pursued, even supposing (what was not admitted) that it was injurious in many other respects, and was inconsistent with those provisions and establishments which would be most conducive to the safety of the country in future. |
| Mr. Windham | other hand, the strongest reasons for wishing to get rid of exemptions, not merely as injurious to the public interests, but as inconsistent with a principle not less to be regarded than good faith itself; namely, justice. |
| General Loftus | This he applied to the idea of employing the volunteers singly; if such were to be acted upon, experience would soon shew its injurious effects. |
| Mr. Caleraft | rose, and observed, that it might have been reasonably expected that the framers of the bill, before they are to expect the House would finally adopt a measure so severely injurious to so many industrious individuals and their families, as this bill must almost inevitably bring to ruin, would at least hold out some advantage likely to be derive4 to the public by the measure, in lieu of the immunities, a surrender of which they required; but no such advantages had they held out, nor had the House before, it any document to shew the necessity of depriving one of the most laborious and useful classes of men in society, their wives and children, of their means of live- 1049 lihood, merely to promote the advantages, or second the interested views of any monopolizing company. |
| Mr. Hiley Addington | he asked the hon. gent.'s pardon for reminding him that the bill of last year on the subject, was not rejected by the House, but withdrawn by its framers for that time, with a view to reconsider the propriety of bringing it forward at a future day, in a more perfect shape; and he must own, he thought it rather extraordinary those gent, after having coolly reconsidered the bill, could again think of offering it for the adoption of parliament; for he could consider it in no other view than as a measure calculated merely to favour a monopoly, and he therefore trusted the House never would consent to pass it into a law, as it was of a tendency not only extremely injurious to one of the most useful, industrious, and important classes of the community in the country, but of the utmost danger to the very existence of that fishery which it professed to improve. |
| Mr. Hiley Addington | He was sorry that any class of the community should be induced to entertain apprehensions that the legislature would, in the wisdom of its deliberations, suffer any measure to pass into a law for the advantage of one set of men, so injurious to the interests of so numerous, useful, and industrious a class of individuals. |
| Sir William Dolben | It was said, in the petitions on the table, that the bill would be injurious to the navy: but he begged to know, if our present fisheries were an useful nursery for seamen, and therefore useful for the navy, how the 1052 establishment of an additional nursery could be injurious? |
| Sir William Dolben | It was said, in the petitions on the table, that the bill would be injurious to the navy: but he begged to know, if our present fisheries were an useful nursery for seamen, and therefore useful for the navy, how the 1052 establishment of an additional nursery could be injurious? |
| Mr. Windham. | Upon one point I would ask for information, whether the new regiments are to be raised by recurring to the old and ruinous system of recruiting for rank, and if so, whether ministers can hope for any power of legislation in such a case that will prevent a competition which must be most injurious in its effects? |
| Lord De Blaquiere. | Was the ardour of either militia clogged in such a way, it would be injurious to both countries, and an insult to one. |
Injurious weeds and the law | Why “harmful weeds” misrepresents the law