This page lists every recorded use of the words injurious and injuriously in parliamentary debate during 1809. Each instance is reproduced in its context as recorded in Hansard.
This survey forms part of the evidence for the correct legal interpretation of injurious weeds in the Weeds Act 1959. See also why “harmful weeds” misrepresents the law.
| Speaker | Context |
|---|---|
| Lord Sheffield | As to the Embargo laid by the American States, I am confirmed in the opinion I always entertained, that it will prove much more beneficial to the empire than injurious: and we are indebted to the firmness of the present administration for a very great improvement in our situation, in respect to that country, and for the expectation that no machinations or menacing measures shall make us abandon those principles and that system, on which its greatness and power have been established.—It is by contemplating these circumstances that we discover the real greatness and power of this country, and which, I conceive, never can be destroyed but through our own misconduct. |
| Lord Grenville | In this way, my lords, I contend that the sending a British army into the interior of Spain has been actually injurious to the cause of the Patriots in that country.—I waited anxiously towards the close of last session for some communication on the subject of Spain, which I. |
| Lord Grenville | 18 when the proper time for the discussion arrives, that instead of being advantageous, it is extremely injurious to our interests, and will prove still more detrimental than past experience has shewn it to be, if it is continued. |
| Mr. Ponsonby. | I for my part cannot but consider them not less injurious to our interests, than they are degrading to our reputation; for, I ask any man, when the nations of the world sec expeditions sent for certain objects, return, not alone without effecting such objects, but even without adopting one single measure to promote their accomplishment, in what light, I say, can they consider them, but disgraceful— disgraceful not to the commander of the British army, nor to the gallant men under his command, but certainly disgraceful to those counsels which have manifested no farther proof of enlargement of system, which have realized no other promise of energy in cultivating resources, or promptitude in applying them, save in a sort of pantomimical movement of fleets and armies from one end of Europe to the other 42 without effecting any thing. |
| Mr. Ponsonby. | The Corporation tell his Majesty, that they think the Convention disgraceful, dishonorable to the British arms, and injurious to his Majesty's interests: they call for investigation and the punishment of the guilty. |
| Lord Castlereagh | His majesty's ministers would experience no difficulty in affording every explanation, except what might wound the feelings of our ally, or affect injuriously the interests of the public service. |
| Mr. Whitbread | He must deprecate a war with America, as being likely to be much more injurious to us than to them. |
| Mr. Adam | Burrard, or whatever political demerit might attach elsewhere, it was still open to the house; but, if the Amendment was persisted in, when the speeches of the day were forgotten, the Journals would exhibit to posterity what would be injurious to the character of sir H. |
| Viscount Sidmonth | Had this country but acceded to his proffer of pacification, he would not have failed to draw from that conduct inferences degrading to its character, and injurious to the best interests of the empire. |
| The Earl of Suffolk | For some time past, rumour had been exceedingly busy in spreading reports of a tendency extremely injurious to the character of the Army; he meant not only the busy whispers that prevailed among the ill-natured, but the public attacks that slander had made upon its discipline. |
| Sir F. Burdett | deprecated the promulgation of an opinion under the sanction of the right hon. secretary's authority, that, he had uttered any sentiments injurious to the interests of the country. |
| Mr. Wardle | It was undeniable that such a system was vitally injurious to the best interests of the country, and, of course, to prevent its recurrence, was of material importance. |
| Mr. Whitbread, | He was sure that gallant officer was too much alive to true glory, to wish that any injurious precedent should be established by any circumstance connected with his individual interests. |
| Mr. Sheridan | the Commander in Chief, his name has been frequently introduced, and that questions have been put, implying suspicions which may produce an impression injurious to him, upon a prosecution instituted against him, by his majesty's Attorney-General, and which is expected to be very shortly brought to trial. |
| Lord Folkestone | was of opinion that she ought not to be compelled to answer, as there might possibly be circumstances attending the disclosure of this question, which might prove injurious to the witness's father; nor 479 could he conceive that any material benefit would result to the present inquiry from the disclosure of I his circumstance. |
| Mr. Whitbread | He alluded to Major Covell.—That respectable officer was that day introduced to him, and during the short period of his interview, expressed the apprehensions he entertained, lest from what appeared in the papers of the day, an impression might go abroad injurious to his character. |
| Lord Folkestone | from the Treasury bench] he was afraid to produce them, as the 661 consequences to his family might be injurious, and he should be ruined in his profession. |
| Earl Darnley | The official dispatches bore testimony to the injurious consequences of a deficiency of cavalry in the battle of Vimiera. |
| The Earl of Liverpool | then said, that in order to explain, in the most ample manner, the line of conduct adopted by ministers in reference to Spain and Portugal, he felt it necessary to move for copies of the Instructions sent to our commanders in those countries, and the communications from them to ministers, with the exception of such parts as it might he injurious to the public service to publish. |
| Lord Grenville | The Orders in Council, unjust in their principle, are now proved to be most injurious, in their effect, to the interests of this country, whilst the pretence, on which they were founded, is now completely taken away; it being proved to demonstration, that America does not acquiesce in the infringement of her neutral rights by the Decrees of France.— His Lordship concluded with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, humbly to represent to his majesty, that in consequence of certain Decrees, made by his majesty's enemies, contrary to the usages of war, and the rights of neutral nations; and also in consequence of the alledged acquiescence of neutral nations in the said Decrees, his majesty was advised to issue certain Orders in Council respecting the trade of neutrals to and from the ports and countries of his majesty's enemies: and that the said Orders were further enforced by certain acts passed in the last session of Parliament: but that both in the said Orders and in the Acts passed thereon, a power was reserved to his majesty of annulling the same, whenever Rich revocation should appear expedient,— 782 That the Congress of the United States of America, alarmed at the dangers to which neutral commerce was exposed, by the said Decrees, and by the system then known to be in the contemplation of his majesty's government, and actually carried into effect by the said Orders in Council, passed laws for laving an immediate Embargo on all American vessels and exports.—And that by the operation of such laws, all trade of export, from the said States into this kingdom or its dependencies, has been prohibited, and the commercial intercourse of his majesty's subjects with the said States has been, in other respects, essentially impeded.—That in the month of August last, the minister of the United States, resident at this court, made to his majesty's government an authorised and explicit offer of re-establishing the said intercourse, proposing, that if his majesty's Orders in Council should be repealed, as far as regarded the United States, the Embargo imposed in the said States should be removed, as far as regarded his majesty's dominions; and adding, that if his majesty's enemies should not rescind their Decrees, the said Embargo should be continued as with respect to them.—That this offer on the part, of the United States appears to us just in principle, and in its tendency highly advantageous to the essential interests of this country. |
| Lord Grenville | Just, in as much as it removed all pretence of the acquiescence of the United States in the French Decrees; which acquiescence was the only ground on which any right could accrue to his majesty to interrupt the innocent commerce of a neutral power; and advantageous to Great Britain, inasmuch as if it should not have produced the repeal of the French Decrees (the avowed purpose of his majesty's Orders), it must have secured to this country the exclusive commerce of America, and the alliance against I a power which has become the common enemy of both.— That we believe and hope that it is still open to his majesty to renew them on the basis of this proposal; the commercial intercourse between this country and the United States; every interruption of which we consider as manifestly injurious to the interest of both, and particularly calculated, in the present crisis, to assist the designs of our enemies, I and to weaken our own resources — That we, therefore, most humbly pray his majesty to adopt, without delay, such measures as may best tend to the immediate? |
| Viscount Sidmouth | ought, in justice, to have spared, we had in effect prohibited; and those which we ought to have prohibited, we had taken credit for having spared: he said, in effect prohibited, because it was impossible that America could have submitted to such a combination of indignity and injustice.—With respect to those injurious branches of American commerce, which have been too 790 long permitted to exist, and which, instead of being prohibited, had been sanctioned by the Orders in Council, he quoted Mr. Erskine's letter to Mr. Maddison, of the 23d of Feb. 1808; (p. |
| Lord Grenville | The noble lord explained this, by shewing that the French Decree had a double character; that of municipal regulation, which it was admitted every independant state had a right to enact unquestioned; and the other, that which attempted to touch the law of nations, on the high seas, and which was the only matter of aggression to America, lie complained of the noble earl's not stating the position fairly, and then drawing from his own mistatement an unjust and injurious inference, that the American minister professed his willingness to acquiesce in the principle, nay to afford the means to France, of annoying England, provided only she would give the Americans relief from their own grievance. |
| Mr. Wynn | Clavering's testimony, in order to justify his motion, and concluded with admonishing the Committee, that the country would put an injurious construction upon that system which would vent on the same misconduct, in humble life, that severer measure of punishment, the infliction of which on the higher rank of delinquents it would oppose. |
| Mr. Ponsonby | and is it not necessary for us to inquire whether this was owing to the misconduct of those at the head of the army, or of those at the head of his majesty's councils?—Deeply as we must lament the loss of those gallant officers and soldiers who have fallen upon this occasion, and deeply as we may lament the success of the enemy, it is not, perhaps, so necessary in the eyes of Englishmen, as it may be in regard to the continental powers, to free ourselves from that injurious opinion as to our military character, which must float in their minds from these transactions. |
| Mr. Whitbread | then moved, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, humbly to represent to his majesty, that in consequence of certain Decrees made by his majesty's enemies, contrary to the usages of war and to the rights of neutral nations, and also in consequence of the alledged acquiescence of neutral nations in the said Decrees, his majesty was advised to issue certain Orders in Council respecting the trade of neutrals to and from the ports and countries of his majesty's enemies; And that the said Orders were further enforced by certain acts passed in the last session of parliament.—But that both in the said Orders, and in the acts passed thereon, a power was reserved to his majesty of annulling the same, whenever such revocation should appear expedient.—That the Congress of the United States of America, alarmed at the dangers to which neutral commerce was exposed by the practical operation of the said Decrees, and by the system then known to be in the contemplation of his majesty's government, and actually carried into effect by the said Orders, passed laws for laying an immediate embargo on all American ships and exports; and that by the operation of such laws, all trade of export from the said states into this kingdom or its dependencies has been prohibited, and the commercial intercourse of his majesty's subjects with the said States has been in other respects essentially impeded.—That in the month of August last, the minister of the United States, resident at this court, made to his majesty's government an authorized and explicit offer of re-establishing the said intercourse; proposing, that if his 1181 majesty's Orders in Council should be repealed, as far as regarded the United States, the embargo imposed in the said States should he removed, as far as regarded his majesty's dominions; and adding, that if his majesty's enemies should not rescind their Decrees, the said embargo should be continued as with respect to them.—That this offer on the part of the United States appears to us just in principle, and in its tendency highly advantageous to the best interests of this country: just, inasmuch as it removed all pretence of the acquiescence of the United States in the French Decrees; which acquiescence was the only ground on which any right could accrue to his majesty to interrupt the innocent commerce of a neutral power: and advantageous to Great Britain, inasmuch as, though it should not have produced the repeal of the French Decrees (the avowed purpose of his majesty's Orders), it would have secured to this country the exclusive commerce of America, and her alliance against a power which would thus have been the common enemy of both.—That we believe and hope that it is still open to his majesty's government to renew, on the basis of this proposal, the commercial intercourse between this country and the United States; every interruption of which we consider as manifestly injurious to the interest of both countries, and calculated to assist the designs of our enemies, and to weaken our own resources.—That we therefore most humbly pray his majesty to adopt, without delay, such measures as may best tend to the immediate re-establishment of the commercial intercourse between his majesty's dominions and the United States of America; and to bring, by temperate and conciliatory negociation, all other points to a just and amicable conclusion, assuring his majesty of our firm and invariable support, in maintaining against every unjust aggression, and every novel claim, the antient and essential maritime rights of his majesty's crown." |
| General Tarleton | He had only said, that he would not consent to a grant to any officer living or dead, which would be injurious to that Hospital. |
| Mr. Speaker | This in fact has been the very first opportunity that had occurred since the committee made its report; and it is for this reason that I have thought it advisable to bring the subject before the house.—The conclusion then, Sir, which I desire that the house may draw from what I have said, is, that this measure of assimilating the currencies would be productive of the removal of feelings of distinction between the people of England and Ireland that ought not to exist; that it will relieve the commercial intercourse of these countries from a great and injurious restraint; and that it will do away the existence of an exchange between them; that the plan for carrying it into effect is one of great simplicity, and perfectly practicable without injury to any one, and that the present is the most fit period that could occur for accomplishing it; and though I cannot expect that a proposal of a great alteration in a manner so extremely abstruse and complicated, can at once meet with very general approbation, I do feel confident that the more it is examined, the greater will be the numbers of those who will give their support to it.—I shall move, Sir, that yon do now leave the chair. |
| Mr. Foster | And he would warn the house how it would adopt any measure, the consequences of which might be so injurious to the country, as the making of bank paper a legal tender in any part of the kingdom. |
| Mr. Whitbread | "Your Petitioner humbly craves leave to remind your honourable house that it was not even alledged in the said criminal informations that the matter which gave rise to them was false or untrue, though the matter was alledged to be scandalous and malicious, and that it was the usage of the court of King's Bench, till within the last forty years, not to permit any information to be filed for libelloas matter, which was not alledged to be false as well as malicious, and indeed the most recent determination on the subject coincides with the opinions uniformly maintained by our ancestors; for, in the case of sir John Carr, and Hood and Sharpe, the plaintiff did not recover in action for a publication which was true, though admitted to be malicious and injurious. |
| Mr. Whitbread | In allusion to what had fallen from an hon. friend of his on the other side of the house, that he was surprised he would present a petition from persons who were of that description, viz. libellers, his answer to this was, he thought that a strong reason why he should bring it up; for obnoxious persons were generally those seized on by the executive government, and were the means by which such proceedings creep 191 into practice, and which might afterwards become detrimental and injurious to the subjects in the general.— |
| Lord Porchester | He was of a different opinion; he thought this was just the most convenient time that could be hit upon for the purpose, and that the least procrastination would be injurious to the interests of the public. |
| Lord Porchester | Delays were always injurious, and in the stormy times in which we lived every tomorrow brought its griefs and difficulties along with it; and if they suffered them to go on accumulating, they might grow too cumbrous to get rid of. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | As an economical measure it was nothing, or rather it would prove probably injurious; for there were instances in which at present services were rewarded with reversions, which services, if the proposed bill were to become a law, must receive some immediate reward of perhaps greater value.—Having stated what had always been his opinion on the present measure, he should now mention what were his grounds for opposing the introduction of the bill at present. |
| Lord Castlereagh | I consider it a duty imposed upon me as a minister not to accept of any defence which might be injurious to the public; I therefore will accept of none such; but can it be supposed for a moment, that I intended to influence elections corruptly by means of this appointment? |
| Mr. C. W. Wynn. | I know that there are many persons in this house who are disposed to maintain that the influence over electors is not injurious, and that little disadvantage results from the practice of bribery; this I know many of them to maintain in private conversation; but when a case of this kind is made out, they are bound in duty to obey the course prescribed by law, and by act of parliament; and with that, their private opinions ought not to interfere. |
| Sir Francis Burdett, | Under such circumstances, he thought it unfortunate, for that house, as well as injurious to the British public, to calumniate any class of the people of England, by whom, as far as his observation enabled him to judge, such calumnies were wholly unmerited.—Having made these observations, he would leave it to the house to judge how unfair it was to deal out insinuations against whole classes of the people, or whether it would not have been more candid and manly to name the persons at whom such observations were applied. |
| Sir Francis Burdett, | He was convinced upon the result of all that he had an opportunity of observing, that there was no set of men in this country disaffected to the government; and to make an assertion that there was, would 246 be as injurious to the people, as it would be dangerous to the security of the throne, and hostile to the constitution and the interests of the country. |
| Mr. Ponsonby | It was not intended to charge ministers with any crime; but when inquiry was proposed into abuses, it would be very injurious in every sense to pass it by. |
| The Earl of Radnor | At the same time he could not refrain from noticing that one injurious consequence would result from that proposition becoming a standing order. |
| Lord Castlereagh | He saw no reason, therefore, having never heard any complaints on the subject alluded to by the noble lord, for departing from the general rule, particularly where a deviation from it was likely to produce injurious rather than beneficial effects. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | It was injurious to the memory of sir John Moore to say that he had acted merely upon the advice of Mr. Frere. |
| Mr. Curwen | If he, however, had any influence with the hon. member, he would have dissuaded him from bringing forward this motion: because it might lend to exposures, which might be attended with very injurious consequences: and the hon. member must have observed a disposition in the house to prevent such abuses as his charge referred to in future, from the reception which the measure he had the honour to propose had met with. |
| Mr. Tierney | Something, however, must be done to remove any injurious impressions which the people had of that house. |
| Lord Erskine | Animals are considered as property only: to destroy or to abuse them, from malice to the proprietor, or with an intention injurious to his interest in them, is criminal; but the animals themselves are without protection; the law regards them not substantively; they have no rights! |
| Lord Erskine | A line must be drawn between injurious calumny, and fair, though perhaps unpleasant animadversion; but plain good sense without legal subtlety is sure to settle it with justice; so every man may enjoy what is his own, but not to the injury of his neighbour. |
| Lord Erskine | What is an injury, or what only a loss, without being injurious, is the question in all cases or nuisance, and they are satisfactorily settled by the common understandings and feelings of mankind. |
| Mr. Bernard | He said this system of encouraging large stills was very injurious to the landlord and to the farmer; it took away the market from the interior of the country; for grain, which the farmer would have if persons were admitted to work small stills; and as to the illicit trade, it was obvious, that if a large district had no vent for its grain, and no cheap supply of spirits, there always would be illicit distillers. |
| Mr. Huskisson | thought the bill should be allowed to go to a Committee, in which the fines and the drawback allowed to large distilleries might be so regulated as to prevent their being injurious to the smaller ones. |
| Mr. Marriat | Another class to whom it would be injurious was the inhabitants of Martinique themselves, who had agreed not to obstruct the army, in consequence of a proclamation which declared that they should be restored to the same government they had before; 582 such was the condition held out, and they were now about to legislate in violation of it. |
| Mr. Clifford | It was afterwards resolved that such practices were against the law, injurious to the liberty of the subject, and ought to be prevented. |
| Earl Stanhope | In a conviction of perjury, no later than November last; an offence so injurious to the well-being of the community, what was the sentence of the court? |
| Mr. Whitbread | Nothing could be more injurious in a country where habits of economy and sober industry were instilled into young people as the sure means of arriving at wealth, than to have in view a scheme where wealth was not to be earned by labour or industry; but to come merely from fortune. |
| Mr. Windham | said he did not wish to detain the house by going into a detail of the measure, but he believed it to be a most scandalous and injurious way of raising money upon the public. |
| Mr. Parnell | on their capital." But, Sir, if there are these general objections to tithes, on account of their injury to agriculture, the house should consider how much more injurious they must be in a country like. |
| Mr. George Johnstone | I agree with that right hon. gent., that a great change did then take place; but it was a change not injurious to the popular branch of the constitution; it was the triumph of the popular part of the constitution over the house itself. |
| Earl Temple | The permissions to volunteer were favours conferred upon lord Burghersh, but could not be therefore converted into any claims of his, injurious to the general advancement of the army. |
| Mr. Bernard | stated, that in withdrawing his motion on the principle of the bill the other night, he did so only with a hope that the objects he had would be met in the committee, and not from being perfectly satisfied that if the bill passed into a law in its present shape, it must prove insufficient and most injurious, not only to the agricultural interests of Ireland, but to the revenue; we already had some proof of it, for by the right hon. gentleman's bill of last year, stills so small as 200 gallons were allowed to work; he could bring evidence to the bar of the house, of men of experience, new in London, that had given both 200 and 500 gallon stills a fair trial, and who really were anxious to carry on the business in Ireland in that way, and who would declare that it was impossible to carry it on, while so great an advantage as 8 and 16 per cent. |
| Mr. Parnell | The truth is, that these large stills are injurious to the agricultural interests of Ireland. |
| Lord Suffolk | proceeded, and stated, that if he could get no answer, he should, on a future day, move for a copy of the orders of the commander in chief, as well as for the particulars of the promotion of lord Burghersh, as he was sure that such proceeding must be highly injurious to the feelings of the officers of the army in general. |
| Mr. Wilberforce | But this blessing, at the same time that it was such a source of pride, should also be a source of caution; it should make them careful to correct those faults, which, though they might not be injurious in other countries, must be peculiarly so in this, from the rapidity with which they were circulated, and the freedom with which they were discussed. |
| Mr. Wilberforce | They should consider, that they were placed in a high sphere to set an example to the rest of the world, to stamp that character which was to pervade the community, and to give society its complexion; they should consider this, and this should render them cautious of recognising any principle or setting any example injurious to the cause of virtue. |
| Mr. Windham | It is culpable only as it may be made so by law, or as it may practically be found to produce effects injurious to the public interest. |
| Lord Erskine | After all, if this legislative measure should be attended with any injurious consequences, now unforeseen, I pledge my honour, that I will be one of the first to propose such alterations as shall prevent their recurrence.— There is one point more to which I beg your lordships' attention; although my lords, I have seen with regret the growing evil of cruelty to animals in this land, and have thought it expedient to introduce the bill before you; yet, my lords, in this land, in which our lots are cast to live, there is more honour, there is more humanity, there is a stronger sense of moral duty, than in any other country on the face of the globe. |
| Earl Darnley | said a few words, expressing his most cordial support of the bill, and that he had on a former day only wished due caution might be used in framing it, so that it should not be injurious in its operation. |
| Lord Ellenborough | After stating many other sufficient grounds for rejecting the bill, his lordship said, that he had come down to oppose this bill, to mark his disapprobation of such partial, ineffective, and too often injurious measures. |
| Lord Viscount Sidmouth | The amount, exceeding by about five millions that of the last year, and by more than nine millions that of the year 1807, far surpassed whatever the exaggerations of the timid, or the factious, had at any period foreboded; and the means of defraying it by taking one million from the war taxes for the purpose of supplying the interest of the loan, were directly at variance with the system of financial policy adopted by parliament at the renewal of the war, and most injurious in their tendency to the future prospects of the country.—The contest, in which we were engaged, was evidently one of indefinite duration. |
| Mr. Ponsonby | It seemed to him, that after the Report of the Committee of Finance upon this subject, and the consideration given to that Report in the course of last week, if they were to negative this motion it would be almost saying to the country, that they were to disregard totally that part of the Report; a proceeding which would be most impolitic, injurious, and improvident. |
| Mr. Secretary Canning | If we were now to set about contriving a plan to enable the crown to chuse its ministers any where out of parliament, such a plan would be most, injurious to the liberty of the country. |
| Sir F. Burdett | He thought that of all species of corruption the giving of money was not only the least injurious, but the most innocent. |
| Sir F. Burdett | As to the influence of the crown, he always thought that the monopoly of the borough mongers was as injurious to the legitimate rights of the sovereign, as to the interests of the people. |
| Mr. Windham | They restrained acts which were injurious to the community, and were such moreover as could be clearly defined. |
| Mr. Speaker | But, I hoped, that by adopting the present mode of proceeding, and entering upon a discussion not immediately connected with any practical measure, but rather in the nature of an historical review of measures already past, though recent; we should reason with cooler minds, and be much more likely to agree in a result which might at least prevent the repetition of any injurious practice, if not lead to the immediate remedy of mischiefs already effected. |
| Mr. SPEAKER | I also stated, shortly, my reasons for thinking that this measure, which I was aware had been suggested to his majesty's ministers by the Committee of West India planters and merchants, could be productive of no possible advantage to them, while it would be highly injurious to the Sugar Refiners, and unjust to the inhabitants of Martinique, If the first of these propositions only could be maintained, it would not be a sufficient ground for rejecting this Bill; for I know of no objection to complying even with the prejudices of any body of men provided those prejudices are innocent prejudices: but if it can be shewn, that complying with those prejudices would be injurious to the interests of others, and a violation of good faith on the part of the British nation, then I am persuaded that this Bill will no longer receive that official support from his majesty s ministers, under the sanction of which it has been presented to this house. |
| Mr. SPEAKER | I also stated, shortly, my reasons for thinking that this measure, which I was aware had been suggested to his majesty's ministers by the Committee of West India planters and merchants, could be productive of no possible advantage to them, while it would be highly injurious to the Sugar Refiners, and unjust to the inhabitants of Martinique, If the first of these propositions only could be maintained, it would not be a sufficient ground for rejecting this Bill; for I know of no objection to complying even with the prejudices of any body of men provided those prejudices are innocent prejudices: but if it can be shewn, that complying with those prejudices would be injurious to the interests of others, and a violation of good faith on the part of the British nation, then I am persuaded that this Bill will no longer receive that official support from his majesty s ministers, under the sanction of which it has been presented to this house. |
| Mr. SPEAKER | Now we are to be told, that it is not the bringing sugars to Europe, but the bringing them into the home consumption of Great Britain that is injurious to the interests of the British Planter. |
| Mr. SPEAKER | The propositions which I shall endeavour to establish, are these: that the exclusion of the produce of Martinique would be of no benefit whatever to the British Planter; that this exclusion would be highly injurious to the British Sugar Refiner; that it would be unjust to the inhabitants of Martinique: and a violation of honour and good faith on the part of the British Government. |
| Mr. Wardle | However I may feel hurt, that motives highly injurious to my character, and not more injurious than false, have been indirectly attributed to me as the grounds of my proceedings, and though I may also have thought that in the early stage of the enquiry I was harshly treated, still, sir, on these points I shall make no comment, but at once proceed to a more pleasant task, that of offering my thanks where I feel them due. |
| Mr. Wardle | However I may feel hurt, that motives highly injurious to my character, and not more injurious than false, have been indirectly attributed to me as the grounds of my proceedings, and though I may also have thought that in the early stage of the enquiry I was harshly treated, still, sir, on these points I shall make no comment, but at once proceed to a more pleasant task, that of offering my thanks where I feel them due. |
| Mr. Burton | So that every effort for that purpose, not absolutely hopeless, was worth the trial; yet, after the short experiment of two months, the Duke did discontinue the levy, though it was very injurious to Mrs. C.'s expectations; because, according to the evidence of some, she had still to expect more than 600l., and according to others, who speak of a guinea a man, more than 3,000l., whilst it might also be ruinous to col. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer. | h.; and also the many salutary and efficient regulations which have been introduced into the army, during his command of it; some of which regulations have been specially directed to prevent those very abuses, which have in this enquiry been brought under the notice of the House of Commons; they could not but feel the most serious regret and concern, that a connexion should ever have existed, under the cover of which, transactions of a highly criminal and disgraceful nature have been carried on, and that an opportunity has been afforded, of falsely and injuriously coupling with such transactions the name of h. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | We all know, sir,(and I wish we may not, some of us, be influenced by them); but we all know, that partial accounts of the evidence have gone forth in the public prints, in weekly and diurnal papers, accompanied, in many instances, by comments and observations, most industriously and wickedly calculated to prejudice a case under trial, in a manner which, if they had been circulated in allusion to any other prosecution, any ordinary court of justice in the country engaged in the trial of it, would have thought a sufficient ground for suspending the trial, and for not permitting the minds of those who were to decide upon it, to be brought warm to the decision, under such injurious impressions. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | has done by the grant of this commission to an unfortunate lad, which is hostile and injurious to the honour, and character, or feelings of the army? |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | I do sincerely hope, and trust, that wherever what has passed in this house may be heard or read, it may not make any impression on the minds of the brother-officers of this young man, injurious to him in his professional character, or ruinous to his future prospects: and I am confident the house would deeply lament; I am sure, that all those gentlemen, who in the first instance, before this case was fairly brought under their examination, considered it in the 129 Strongest and most prejudiced point of view, would extremely regret, that this case should ever have been introduced, if it should be attended with a result so cruel, so unjust, and so unmerited by the person whose appointment has been the object of our enquiry. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | h., similar observations might be justly made; and as far as any general presumptions and general impressions may have arisen in the house from any other circumstances, injurious to. |
| Mr. Whitbread. | I mean nothing injurious to gentlemen on the other side of the house. |
| Mr. Whitbread. | Sir, the Chancellor of the Exchequer has told us that it was quite impossible for the Duke to comply with Mrs. Clarke's request, that if he had done so, he would have exposed himself to conclusions, most injurious to his reputation. |
| The Attorney General | That they were injurious to the credit o f the army, and that if there be any danger of their recurring, effectual measures should be taken to prevent it, no one can doubt. |
| Mr. Bankes | (Mr. Bathurst), "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to state to his majesty, that information has been communicated to this house, of various corrupt practices and abuses having prevailed in the disposal of Commissions and Promotions in his majesty's Land Forces, into which this house has diligently examined; and that we feel ourselves obliged to acquaint his majesty that the result of our inquiries into the truth of these transactions, by the examination as well of oral evidence as of various documents, has convinced us that such corrupt practices and abuses have unquestionably existed.—To assure his majesty that it is highly satisfactory to this house to find no ground in any of these proceedings for charging his royal highness, the Commander in Chief, with personal corruption or participation in any profits derived through undue means; but that while we readily do justice to the exemplary regularity with which business is conducted in 279 his department, and the salutary regulations which have been introduced by his royal highness, some of which are calculated to prevent such practices as have been brought under our review, we are obliged to express our opinion that such abuses could scarcely have prevailed to the extent to which they have been proved to exist, without having excited the suspicion of the Commander in Chief; and we humbly submit to his majesty, even if it can be presumed that abuses so various and so long continued, could have prevailed of his royal highness, whether the command of the army can with propriety be continued, or ought in prudence to remain any longer in his hands.—To express to his majesty that the abuses, which have been disclosed during the progress of this examination, have unveiled a course of conduct of the worst example to public morals, and highly injurious to the cause of religion, which if not discountenanced by his majesty and by this house cannot fail to have a pernicious effect upon those main springs of social order and well regulated society, which it has been his majesty's uniform care to support and strengthen by his counsels, and to illustrate by his example." |
| Lord Folkestone | had said, that he was of opinion that the result of the present business would be injurious rather than beneficial. |
| Mrs. Bridgeman | It then jested merely on her assertion, and the documentary evidence which, proving the nature and circumstances of the promotion, completely controvert any conclusion injurious to the Duke. |
| Mr. Croker. | I am now led, sir, to observe on some parts of Mrs. C.'s evidence, in which she, by the discolouring and exaggeration of facts and circumstances, endeavours to raise, against the Duke, suspicions the most unfounded and injurious, and to cast upon him imputations the most false and odious. |
| Mr. Croker. | Thus, sir, in a most deep and conscientious conviction, do I address this house, and entreat them honourably to acquit his royal highness of the base corruption, and the no less base connivance at corruption, which had been so injuriously charged upon him. |
| Mr. Long | had said, that it was not of corruption he accused the Duke of York, but of admitting an influence injurious to the public service; if that was, indeed, all, they should take the good as well as the bad, into account, and they would find the good to preponderate. |
| Mr. Windham. | If a Commander in Chief is to have I a mistress, one hardly knows how he should regulate his misconduct, so as to render it less injurious to the public morals. |
| Mr. Windham. | By the bulk of the house it seems only to be considered as a subject of animadversion, in as far as it has practically led to consequences injurious to the public service. |
| Mr. Windham. | Because he thought that, while painful and injurious to her, they were unnecessary to the cause. |
| Mr. Windham. | It was not fit that a person of his description and situation should be allowed with impunity to place himself in a slate in which suspicions of the most injurious nature could be entertained against him, by persons of good intentions and of reasonably sound and good judgment. |
| Mr. Leycester. | I will only say, much as this unfortunate connection is on all accounts to be regretted, yet thinking the house ought not to interfere in it at all otherwise than as it might be injurious to the public service, finding that it has long ceased, that whilst it lasted, the instances of such access were so few, the injury to the public nothing, and the appointments uniformly proper and unexceptionable (that of Carter is not worth mentioning) it does not in my judgment form any rational ground for such removal. |
| Mr. Wilberforce | Knight, the chief importance of it was, that it proved that there had been a generally prevalent persuasion that promotions in the army could be obtained by corrupt means; and nothing could be so injurious to the service and army than that an opinion should prevail, that what ought only to be the reward of merit or services, could be obtained by the base and mean artifices which, as appeared, were resorted to.—As to the case of Mr. Dowler, which was a very important one, though he could not believe that that gentleman, who was proved to have had an intimate connection with Mrs. Clarke, had paid her 1,000l. |
| Mr. Canning | This Address, indeed both Addresses, and the mode of proceeding by Address, have been defended on the ground that it was proper to proceed in the manner least injurious to the feelings of the King. |
| Mr. Loveden | said, he was convinced that there was no evidence to justify a conclusion of corruption or connivance, and as such he should vote for the original motion; at 691 the same time, he did feel that an undue influence had been proved to have existed, disgraceful and injurious to the public service, and he did hope that some ulterior proceeding would take place upon it. |
| Mr. Whitshed Keene | If it was possible that any future sons of future monarchs of this country, surrounded as they probably will be, with flattery from the moment of their birth, should lose sight of this sacred principle of our constitution, this fact must recall to their' minds that this house will not acquiesce in their holding offices of great trust, if consequences injurious to the public have been proved to have proceeded from misconduct in them. |
| Mr. Lockhart | There was not one word of that motion which was not perfectly verified, for surely it could not be denied, that a connexion, the most indecorous, had subsisted, and had had an influence on official duties; an undue interference of a female having taken place in regard to army promotions, and which had led to all those transactions which, were most injurious in their consequences. |
| Mr. O'Hara | In the present instance, it appeared to him that the private connexion that subsisted between the royal Duke and Mrs. Clarke had had no operation injurious to the public welfare, and no effect upon the army. |
| Mr. Alderman Combe | approved of the amendment, as he thought the tax on malt would certainly prove injurious to the brewers. |
| Mr. Baring | He considered the interference of government, by introducing acts of parliament for the regulation of trade, and granting bounties, to be injurious to the country in general. |
| Mr. Rose, | Since the present administration had been in power, they had made no alteration in those laws; the measures they had brought forward were merely temporary, and were in no way injurious to any country. |
| Mr. R. Wharton | He thought, too, that if the rank and consequence of general Clavering were not allowed to be of service to him, they certainly ought not in themselves to be injurious to him. |
| Lord Mulgrave | He must add, that under the present relative circumstances of the two countries, such a discussion as the noble lord's motion would be injurious to the public service. |
| The Earl of Liverpool | His majesty's government had thought it expedient to transmit them to sir Hew Dalrymple, and it was upon the impropriety of making public the representation of the Portuguese minister, that he felt a compliance with the noble earl's motion injurious to the public service. |
| Mr. Ponsonby | commented on the inconsistency of the hon. gent, who had just spoken, who having commenced by expressing a favourable opinion of his learned friend's measure, set down with describing it as one of an injurious tendency. |
Injurious weeds and the law | Why “harmful weeds” misrepresents the law