This page lists every recorded use of the words injurious and injuriously in parliamentary debate during unknown. Each instance is reproduced in its context as recorded in Hansard.
This survey forms part of the evidence for the correct legal interpretation of injurious weeds in the Weeds Act 1959. See also why “harmful weeds” misrepresents the law.
| Speaker | Context |
|---|---|
| Mr. Henry Martin | The petitioners are the principal sufferers by the hardships, laid upon a business from which they expected to gain a reputable subsistence, and which it is too late for them to abandon, but the discouragement so severely felt by them, will ultimately prove injurious to the public at large, since it must tend to banish capital, ability, and reputation from a branch of industry by which numbers of persons are now honourably supported, from which no inconsiderable revenue is derived to the state, and which once was considered deserving of the peculiar favour of a free country. |
| Mr. Canning | Much, however, as I applaud, and as I partake of this confidence, I am not so blindly sanguine 231 as to look forward to certain success and glory, without taking into my consideration the possibility of a reverse; but when I contemplate that side of the picture, I do so with this consolation, that if ever there was a moment or a situation in which failure (disgrace I will not say, for that is not possible to such an army and such a commander), but in which the failure of the object for which we contend would be comparatively less injurious to us, and defeat more calamitous to the enemy, it is in my opinion the present moment, and the actual situation of the campaign in Portugal. |
| Sir J. Newport, | Nothing could be more injurious to the interest of the empire than to oppose such a Resolution; nothing more likely to counteract the efforts of the Union. |
| Mr. Creevey | This was the true way, this was the way in which all our sinecure placemen ought to be dealt with; and if they were to be all brought forward one after another, upon these motions of supply, it would do more to get quit of this scandal, so justly odious to the country, and so naturally injurious to the characters of public men, than all the reports on these subjects put together. |
| Mr. Wellesley Pole | I am the more disposed to lament the course which the other side of the House have thought proper to adopt, because, Sir, I know that it has produced the most injurious effects, which might undoubtedly have been avoided, it the gentlemen had waited until they were in possession of all the facts of the case, before they took upon themselves to pronounce a judgment upon it. |
| Mr. Huskisson | And here, without any thing injurious or offensive to the Very respectable individuals concerned, he could not help adverting to the sad catastrophe which had recently occurred in the city (the death of Mr. Goldsmid) to one of the contractors for the late loan, as a consequence of the facility of speculations to a large amount, beyond the means of the parties, and an illustration of his argument. |
| Mr. Fremantle | rose and said: Sir, It, is quite impossible I can allow this question to be put without offering a few observa- 399 tions to the House, not with a view of taking its sense upon the propriety of this grant of money; not with a view of resisting its issue, but in order to discharge my mind of those feelings with which it is impressed by the perseverance, on the part of those in whose hands the government of this country is placed, in a system towards Spain and Portugal, which I conceive to be not only of no avail to their cause, but highly injurious and detrimental to the best interests of this country.—At the dawn of this animated contest in Spain, in 1808, no man could more strongly, more warmly participate in the general and universal feeling towards that country than I did; it was a feeling congenial to the heart and mind of every Englishman; it was a burst of indignation against the most outrageous and unexampled oppression on the part of the French emperor; it was a natural sympathy; it was aiding the weak against the strong; it was a free country, and a free people animated in the support of the freedom, the independence, the integrity of the Spanish empire: what Englishman could resist such a call as this? |
| Mr. Fremantle | Now, Sir, let us review the principles upon which that support was to be given on their part; let us look back to the declaration of his Majesty's ministers at the time, and we shall find that it was to be an alliance formed on the principles of general and zealous support to the Spanish nation, in a manner most conducive to their welfare and advantage, but at the same time least injurious to British interests.—These were the principles upon which this alliance was to be formed; principles which coincided with the sentiments of the public at large, and in which the government was universally supported.—Let us now see upon what system these principles have been maintained; let us see how far the ministers have effected the two objects of giving every support to the Spanish patriots, in a manner most conducive to their interests, and in what manner they have kept sight of the interests and security of England. |
| Mr. Fremantle | God forbid that I should be actpated by such motives: no, Sir, no man living is more alive to these gratifying and proud exploits on the part of my countrymen, but they are unnecessary to my view of this history.—That which I wish to place before the House and the country, is the result of a system, so weak, so radically injurious to the interest of England; a system which has been pursued, and is now pursuing, so subversive of those patriotic principles upon which the alliance of Spain was formed—I shall briefly trace the result of the campaigns which have taken place since the commencement of this contest.—In the first place, so soon as a military force could be prepared, it was dispatched under my gallant and excellent friend sir A. |
| Lord Folkestone | had brought forward this measure at all, and feeling as he did, that eventually it would be injurious as well to the individuals immediately concerned as to the country at large, he should take the sense of the House on the motion. |
| Sir J. Newport | was more strongly convinced than ever that his doubts on this subject were well founded, and that the measure would be highly injurious to the community. |
| Mr. Foster | If the right hon. baronet would point out any improper conduct in those who collected either the duty on leather, or any other article, every attention would be paid to his information.—The right hon. gent, concluded by stating, that he would cheerfully accede to any proposition which appeared likely to benefit Ireland: the state of that country deserved the most serious attention of the House; but he could not agree to send forth a statement to the public which would probably have a very injurious effect. |
| Lord Castlereagh | would rather have the Committee nominated to-night than agree to any injurious delay; but he saw no evil that could result from the short period proposed by his right hon. friend. |
| Lord Grenville | Never have I said, never was it in my intention to say, that the British empire was not directly and deeply interested in the fate of the peninsula—on the contrary, it was because I had the cause of Spain and Portugal sincerely and Warmly at heart, that I felt anxious, that your lordships should pause in this wild and mad career of thoughtless prodigality—that we should look our own situation in the face, and learn from the contemplation of it the necessity of economising our national resources, not with sordid or selfish views, but that we may be able at a period more favourable than the present, to lend to the cause of the nations of the peninsula, or to that of any other country similarly situated, that support and those exertions which, when made under all the circumstances of our present situation, must be found not only wholly unavailing to our allies, but highly injurious to ourselves." He should be the last person, he observed, whether by speech or insinuation to detract from the merits of brave men armed and fighting in their country's cause. |
| Sir William Scott | All this devolved on four or five members of the Privy Council, who sought no remuneration for their labours, and who received none but those injurious censures frequently launched against their proceed- 480 ings. |
| Viscount Sidmouth, | In 1803, application had been made to him by several merchants who experienced distresses at that period; but he was persuaded it would have been impolitic and ultimately injurious to encourage their application. |
| Lord Grenville | But that system of loan, and that facility of credit which he had long known and experienced as injurious to the country's welfare, had continued to increase the issue of bank paper, and to depreciate the circulating medium of the kingdom. |
| Lord Grenville | For himself he was of opinion that it would operate in the way of increasing the paper currency, and also by adding to the existing amount of fictitious capital, and thus in both ways it would be found equally injurious from the effect it must have in depreciating the circulating medium. |
| Mr. Frankland | The agent is justified by his motives, though the act is injurious; but the act, if materially injurious, must be prevented by punishment; though the doer of the act, as far as his motives are concerned, may, in foro conscienti, be deserving of praise rather than punishment. |
| Mr. Frankland | The agent is justified by his motives, though the act is injurious; but the act, if materially injurious, must be prevented by punishment; though the doer of the act, as far as his motives are concerned, may, in foro conscienti, be deserving of praise rather than punishment. |
| Mr. Frankland | I, however, distinctly deny that his Bills would have the effect of rendering property more secure; for I am persuaded they would at once render property less secure, and men more miserable,—It should never be forgotten, that even a multitude of mild punishments might produce a greater sum of human suffering, and a greater diminution of human happiness, than a small number of severe punishments, without more effectually obtaining the end proposed, which end is the prevention of a species of action materially injurious to the community, and not an infliction upon the agent of so much Suffering, as a retribution of so much moral guilt. |
| Mr. Morris | argued generally in favour of the Bill; and in support of that part of his speech which related particularly to the injurious effects of its being imperative on the Judge by the existing law, to pronounce sentence of death on a person capitally convicted, although he might not have the remotest intention of ordering that sentence to be carried into execution, mentioned an affecting incident which occurred some years ago on the Home Circuit, when lord Kenyon was on the Bench. |
| Mr. Shaw | objected to the bill as injurious to the interests of Ireland. |
| Mr. Coke | contended that the measure would be injurious to the interests of the country, and quoted the report of the committee in support of his assertion. |
| General Gascoyne | An injurious practice had prevailed previous to that period, of officers withdrawing soldiers from the line, and treating them as their own private servants. |
| Lord Palmerston | If the House could be assured that this was a measure which would give full satisfaction to the army, there might be some reason for the motion, but if its effects would only be to open a wide field of inquiry, it was a useless and injurious speculation. |
| Mr. Horner | As to the consideration of time, he was extremely sorry that a delay of such duration had taken place; but he trusted that when the nature of the business in which parliament at its first assembling, had been engaged, was remembered; and the necessity he was under of attending his professional avocations in the country, he should stand acquitted of blame.—Indeed he could not help thinking that the interval which had thus been suffered to elapse would be far from proving productive of any injurious consequences to the discussion. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | That Report had, he conceived, made a most erroneous and injurious impression on the public mind, and he should ever consider its publication as a great and serious evil. |
| Mr. Western | He was against the 754 measure, as injurious to the agricultural interests, as being calculated to force the consumption of sugar, and therefore he conceived that the principles of it induced the strongest objections on the part of the landed interest. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | The extract concluded with a declaration of his lordship, that he did not know a single instance, in which any individual, even of the lowest order, had held a communication with the enemy injurious to his country or his Prince, and an expectation that the enemy might be obliged to evacuate the country, in which case, we would have an opportunity of exercising our benevolence towards the inhabitants.] Sir, continued he, I do not quote these extracts to the Committee for the purpose of shewing the modesty of the noble lord, a modesty which disdained the boast of annihilating a great army, while he anticipated the probability of forcing it to evacuate the country, and was satisfied to express with moderation, what the event has proved he foresaw with much clear- 756 ness and planned with great skill. |
| Mr. Parnell | The inhabitants of two thirds of Ireland were interested in this Bill, and it was to treat Them with insult to deny them a fair opportunity to set forth their grounds of complaint, and to prevent a measure which would be highly injurious to their interests. |
| The Earl of Suffolk | Upon the whole, he was satisfied this Bill would be injurious to the interest of agriculture, and he had considered it his duty to express these sentiments to the House. |
| Lord Grenville | He could not conceive any thing more injurious than this intermeddling species of policy, interfering with and diverting the regular course of nature, and affecting to regulate by an imaginary rule the prices of articles which ought to be left to find their own level. |
| Mr. Horner | Upon this point of the case however I must declare, that my great and ultimate object is to restore, with as much care and circumspection as may be fairly claimed by partial and particular interests, but at the same time with as, much promptitude as still more urgent considerations must dictate, the circulating medium to its original state—a state attested and proved by a long experience to be not less favourable to private than propitious to public prosperity—a state, every departure from which must be injurious to public credit and national interests in the full proportion, of the extent to which it is carried. |
| Mr. Horner | In point of fact, it is obvious, that whilst the Bank directors found good names on the paper presented to them for discounts, which promised to secure them from eventual loss, they sent forth their paper into circulation without ever attending to the injurious consequences to the public that must result from any over issue. |
| Mr. Horner | Anxious undoubtedly as I am that the restriction should cease, I am still no less anxious that it shall cease in a manner most beneficial to the community as well as least injurious to the interests of the Bank. |
| Mr. Horner | This consideration must come so directly and forcibly home to the feelings and consciences of every member of the Committee, that I should consider it an insult to their understandings and an imputation upon their humanity, were I to dwell on the grievances to which public creditors, annuitants, and others 830 are exposed by the present state of the currency, or upon the injurious effects it has upon all legal contracts and obligations. |
| Mr. Rose | At one time he says that an abundance of money is injurious to trade; at another, that it is a stimulus to industry: at one time he deprecates the increase of currency; at another he recommends the debasement, and consequent depreciation, of our coin to the extent of a penny in the shilling. |
| Sir Francis | It would be very injurious; and it would be very difficult, if not impossible, to conduct the affairs of the metropolis, if the large notes were to be diminished in that proportion. |
| Sir Francis | In thus acquitting him of any possible ill intention, which, undoubtedly, the most malignant mind could not successfully impute to him, I cannot avoid observing, that his publication appears to me to have a greater tendency to degrade the national character, and to be injurious to the public interest, than almost any one I recollect to have read; because the sentiments and opinions expressed in it derive great weight from the character of the author, and from his experience acquired in official situations. |
| Mr. Aaron Asher Goldsmid | I feel this most strongly, and am persuaded the worst enemy of this country could not propose a measure more likely to be injurious to its best interests in a commercial view, than that which is now under our consideration. |
| Mr. Vansittart | It would also have other most injurious effects, for it has scarcely ever happened without leading to national bankruptcy; and I am not afraid of pronouncing that terrible word, because our situation is completely different from that of any country in which such a calamity has ever taken place. |
| Mr. Vansittart | And though I believe the directors to have been moderate and cautious in all their transactions, they would have been wanting in their duty to their proprietors if they had not made a fair commercial use of their advantageous situation; and let it be recollected, that however large the profits of the Bank may have been, they were a direct and positive accession of national wealth derived from sources injurious to no one, but, on the contrary, eminently useful both to the government and every individual concerned. |
| Mr. Vansittart | Without that Resolution, it is utterly useless—with it, it would be dangerous and injurious. |
| Mr. Huskisson | Upon this point he should refer to a paper which he held in his hand illustrative of the subject; being the edict of a gracious sovereign upon the urgent pressure brought upon his people by a depreciated currency—an edict wrung from his paternal consideration by dire necessity only: every circumstance connected with which, and its publication proved it to have been resorted to with regret, and that every care and precaution had been taken to render this measure, which was a violation of public faith, as little injurious as possible. |
| Lord Castlereagh | It is essential to the best interests of the empire, that this question should not only be decided speedily, but that it should be decided upon a consideration, so ample, of all its bearings, that the judgment of the House may have the effect of finally settling the mind of the country upon it; for one cannot well imagine any thing more fatally injurious to the prosperity of a state, whose power in war, and whose advancement in peace so intimately rests upon its public credit, than having a question, such as this, hung up in suspense, to be debated from year to year, to the encouragement of the enemy, and to the dismay of our own people, and of those nations in the world who look up to us for protection. |
| Lord Castlereagh | The injurious effects which an increased demand for gold must have, upon the present disordered state of the exchanges, the House will compare with the very limited supply it might be possible for the Bank, at this moment, to procure in the market, even at the exorbitant price at which standard gold now sells. |
| Lord Castlereagh | But it is said, although bank notes may not be depreciated, the quantity issued is such as to occasion a progressive advance in the price of all commodities, injurious to the interest of the consumer, and ultimately to that of the manufacturer, by its tendency to check export. |
| Lord Castlereagh | For these reasons, I cannot admit that prices are injuriously influenced by a redundant circulation, resting on principles such as those which govern the issues of the Bank of England; and I think I may venture to assume, from the diligence of the Committee, that, if they could have traced any advance of price in the leading articles of consumption, which could be fairly shewn to connect itself with the alleged excess of notes, they would have annexed, to their Report, tables of the prices current during the period which has elapsed since the Restriction Bill took place. |
| Lord Castlereagh | But it is impossible not to look with some alarm to the injurious effects upon our public credit abroad, which such a suggestion, from a Committee of this House, is calculated to produce. |
| Mr. Parnell | These wild and unjustifiable measures have ever been and ever will be considered, as a kind of public declaration of some inward debility and decay, and the discredit occasioned thereby, has ever proved injurious to those who used them. |
| Mr. Parnell | But it does so happen that I am able to produce the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as a witness of its very injurious effect upon our public expenditure. |
| The Chancellor of the Exchequer | Would it now be justice, with their eyes open, for the House to take a step which must eventually be prejudicial 1076 to the interest of the creditor, and most injurious to the community at large? |
| Viscount Sidmouth | He should ever consider the present mode of appointment as injurious to society, and such as he was sure was condemned by every worthy and enlightened Dissenter. |
| Sir J. Newport | He, however, repeated his former suggestions of the injurious tendency of drawing distinctions between the militia and regulars, and granting to the former benefits not enjoyed by the latter who were so gloriously supporting the cause of their country in the field. |
| Mr. Long, | as he had been a member of the Bullion Committee, was desirous of briefly troubling the present Committee, lest he should be supposed to have concurred in the recommendation of measures, which, in his opinion, would, if adopted, prove highly injurious to the country. |
| Sir Francis Burdelt | It must be obvious to every person capable of forming any idea upon the subject, that the remedy should not only be applicable to the entire correction of the evil, but so guarded and qualified, as to prevent its operation from becoming more injurious than the disease it may be intended to cure. |
| Mr. Whitbread | If Buonaparté were the governor of the Bank, he could not, in that noble lord's opinion, adopt a more injurious measure to this country than the resumption of cash-payments. |
| Mr. For | It was then considered as injurious to, and inconsistent with the constitution. |
| [Minutes] Colonel Wood | who had accepted the stewardship of his majesty's Chiltern Hundreds.—Mr. Brooks, pursuant to notice, moved for leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend the several acts relat- 112 ing to the Woollen manufactures.;The bill for suspending the penalties imposed by several of the statutes would expire in July, and therefore it was necessary to provide some legislative means of averting the injurious operation of statutes, as most of them became obsolete and useless. |
| Mr. Curwen rose, | To explain and amend that very act, of the operation and effects of which he is still complaining: to raise objections to and seek relief against injurious consequences resulting, as he asserts, from that measure. |
| Mr. Curwen rose, | At this day it is probable they would have absorbed every shilling of these duties.—Another observation I must make, Mr. Speaker, is, that these receipts and payments are but in Manks currency; that is, one seventh less than sterling.—Thinking, as I do, any reference to present circumstances, in order to draw results applicable to a state of things forty years ago, to be fallacious in itself, and injurious to the cause of the public and the island, still, sir, I cannot avoid making a few further remarks on the computations thus founded.—On behalf of the duke of Atholl, a paper of calculations was laid before the committee, applying, as it is said, the rates of 1692, to the importations of 1802.—Beside the articles of licensed goods, the present great source of the insular revenue, it appears that in 1802, upon non-enumerated goods, paying certain per-centages, varying from 15 to 2½ per cent. |
| Mr. Whitbread | upon unquestionable securities, which have been regularly discharged, was adopted for the purpose of averting consequences which might have proved highly injurious to the financial and commercial interests of the country; and, although not conformable to law, appeared at the time to be called for by the peculiar exigencies of public affairs."—Mr. Lascelles afterwards obtained leave to bring in a bill of indemnity for the above transaction.—Adjourned. |
| Colonel Craufurd | per man in one year, exclusive of their pay and cloathing, and of the enormous bounties.—Considering this measure, therefore, in every point of view, its expence to the public, its inefficacy as a measure for raising men, its oppressive and unjust operation as a tax, and the injurious competition raised by it against the regular recruiting, I should feel that I had done the country and the army an essential service if, in the committee which I propose, it should be resolved to repeal that act.—After I had got rid of the right hon. gentleman's parish bill, and before I proceeded to the investigation of the means of improving the constitution of the regular army itself, I should be desirous of pruning some other branches of our military system, by which it is overshadowed; and with this view I should direct the attention of the committee to the Volunteer establishment, of which the right hon. gent. |
| Lord Castlereagh | Putting out of his view the early part of the hon. colonel's speech, in which he had travelled so far out of his way to censure the conduct of government in the rupture with Spain, and to state the injurious consequences of that rupture to Great Britain, he would confine himself to the subject immediately before the house, namely, the present military state of the country. |
| Lord Castlereagh | On a revision of the whole of the circumstances of the case, in comparing our present strength with our former, he saw no ground of charge against government; but, on the contrary, it appeared to him, that they had done their duty, and acted on a system, which, without being injurious to other parts of the service, had very considerably extended the military strength of the country. |
Injurious weeds and the law | Why “harmful weeds” misrepresents the law